United States History: Beginnings to 1877
1st EditionDeborah Gray White, William Deverell
1,228 solutions
The Americans: Reconstruction to the 21st Century
1st EditionGerald A. Danzer, J. Jorge Klor de Alva, Larry S. Krieger, Louis E. Wilson, Nancy Woloch
614 solutions
The Americans
1st EditionGerald A. Danzer, J. Jorge Klor de Alva, Larry S. Krieger, Louis E. Wilson, Nancy Woloch
1,094 solutions
Creating America: Beginnings through World War I, California Edition
1st EditionMCDOUGAL LITTEL
1,105 solutions
"Let us, then, with courage and confidence, pursue our own Federal and [Democratic-] Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants . . . ; entertaining a due
sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion . . . —with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow citizens—a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise
free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government; and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities."
President Thomas Jefferson, first inaugural address, 1801"
Which of the following best describes Jefferson's point of view about government as expressed in the excerpt?
"Let us, then, with courage and confidence, pursue our
own Federal and [Democratic-] Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants . . . ; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow
citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion . . . —with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow citizens—a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This
is the sum of good government; and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities."
President Thomas Jefferson, first inaugural address, 1801"
Which of the following was most likely a main purpose of Jefferson's inaugural address?
"Let us, then, with courage and confidence, pursue our own Federal and [Democratic-] Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from
the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants . . . ; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion . . . —with all these blessings, what more
is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow citizens—a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government; and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities."
President Thomas Jefferson, first inaugural address, 1801"
Which of the following best describes the political situation in which Jefferson gave the address in the excerpt?
"Let us, then, with courage and confidence, pursue our own Federal and [Democratic-] Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country,
with room enough for our descendants . . . ; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion . . . —with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow citizens—a wise and frugal Government, which shall
restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government; and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities."
President Thomas Jefferson, first inaugural address, 1801"
Which of the following best describes the context from which the ideas expressed in the excerpt emerged?
"The
committee of the president and directors of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company [in Delaware] . . . beg leave respectfully to offer to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, the following facts and observations relative to the said canal. . . .
". . . The island of Great Britain furnishes proof of the advantages of canals, beyond any other country. That nation has now become the maritime rival, and almost controller of every commercial people; her superiority has arisen
from her unbounded commerce, and the vast wealth it has introduced, the basis of which wealth is her immense manufactures . . . : the foundation of these manufactures has again been formed by her internal improvements. . . .
"The United States, both from their present political and natural situation, demand from their government every aid it can furnish. . . . Her rapid increase in prosperity, has already drawn upon her the envy, the jealousy, and the hostility of other nations, which alone
can be counteracted by improving her internal strength, supplying her wants as far as possible by her own [products] and manufactures, and extending her agriculture so as to gain from its surplus the wealth of other nations."
The Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company, petition to the United States Congress, 1809
At the time the petition was produced, Congress most likely interpreted the petition's purpose as
"The committee of the president and
directors of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company [in Delaware] . . . beg leave respectfully to offer to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, the following facts and observations relative to the said canal. . . .
". . . The island of Great Britain furnishes proof of the advantages of canals, beyond any other country. That nation has now become the maritime rival, and almost controller of every commercial people; her superiority has arisen from her unbounded commerce,
and the vast wealth it has introduced, the basis of which wealth is her immense manufactures . . . : the foundation of these manufactures has again been formed by her internal improvements. . . .
"The United States, both from their present political and natural situation, demand from their government every aid it can furnish. . . . Her rapid increase in prosperity, has already drawn upon her the envy, the jealousy, and the hostility of other nations, which alone can be counteracted by
improving her internal strength, supplying her wants as far as possible by her own [products] and manufactures, and extending her agriculture so as to gain from its surplus the wealth of other nations."
The Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company, petition to the United States Congress, 1809
The claims in the excerpt were most likely interpreted as opposing which of the following existing federal government policies at the time?
"The committee of the
president and directors of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company [in Delaware] . . . beg leave respectfully to offer to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, the following facts and observations relative to the said canal. . . .
". . . The island of Great Britain furnishes proof of the advantages of canals, beyond any other country. That nation has now become the maritime rival, and almost controller of every commercial people; her superiority has arisen from her
unbounded commerce, and the vast wealth it has introduced, the basis of which wealth is her immense manufactures . . . : the foundation of these manufactures has again been formed by her internal improvements. . . .
"The United States, both from their present political and natural situation, demand from their government every aid it can furnish. . . . Her rapid increase in prosperity, has already drawn upon her the envy, the jealousy, and the hostility of other nations, which alone can be
counteracted by improving her internal strength, supplying her wants as far as possible by her own [products] and manufactures, and extending her agriculture so as to gain from its surplus the wealth of other nations."
The Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company, petition to the United States Congress, 1809
Which of the following best describes a historian's likely interpretation of the situation in which the excerpt was produced in the early 1800s?
"The
committee of the president and directors of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company [in Delaware] . . . beg leave respectfully to offer to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, the following facts and observations relative to the said canal. . . .
". . . The island of Great Britain furnishes proof of the advantages of canals, beyond any other country. That nation has now become the maritime rival, and almost controller of every commercial people; her superiority has arisen
from her unbounded commerce, and the vast wealth it has introduced, the basis of which wealth is her immense manufactures . . . : the foundation of these manufactures has again been formed by her internal improvements. . . .
"The United States, both from their present political and natural situation, demand from their government every aid it can furnish. . . . Her rapid increase in prosperity, has already drawn upon her the envy, the jealousy, and the hostility of other nations, which alone
can be counteracted by improving her internal strength, supplying her wants as far as possible by her own [products] and manufactures, and extending her agriculture so as to gain from its surplus the wealth of other nations."
The Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company, petition to the United States Congress, 1809
The petition could best be used as evidence by historians studying which of the following?
"Brother, listen to what we say. There was a time
when our forefathers owned this great [land]. . . . Your forefathers crossed the great water and landed upon this [land]. Their numbers were small. They found friends, not enemies. They told us they had fled from their own country for fear of wicked men, and had come here to enjoy their religion. They asked for a small seat. We took pity on them, we granted their request, and they sat down amongst us. We gave them corn and meat; they gave us poison in return.
". . . Our seats were once large
and yours were small. You have now become a great people, and we have scarcely a place left to spread our blankets. You have got our country, but are not satisfied; you want to force your religion upon us. . . .
". . . The Great Spirit has made us all, but he has made a great difference between his white and red children. . . . Since he has made so great a difference between us in other things, why may we not conclude that he has given us a different religion according to our understanding?
The Great Spirit does right. He knows what is best for his children; we are satisfied."
Red Jacket, Iroquois American Indian chief in New York, speech to a missionary from Massachusetts and a United States diplomat, 1805
Which of the following best explains how the purpose of the speech in the excerpt was interpreted by federal officials?
"Brother, listen to what we say. There was a time when our forefathers owned this great [land]. . . . Your
forefathers crossed the great water and landed upon this [land]. Their numbers were small. They found friends, not enemies. They told us they had fled from their own country for fear of wicked men, and had come here to enjoy their religion. They asked for a small seat. We took pity on them, we granted their request, and they sat down amongst us. We gave them corn and meat; they gave us poison in return.
". . . Our seats were once large and yours were small. You have now become a great people,
and we have scarcely a place left to spread our blankets. You have got our country, but are not satisfied; you want to force your religion upon us. . . .
". . . The Great Spirit has made us all, but he has made a great difference between his white and red children. . . . Since he has made so great a difference between us in other things, why may we not conclude that he has given us a different religion according to our understanding? The Great Spirit does right. He knows what is best for his
children; we are satisfied."
Red Jacket, Iroquois American Indian chief in New York, speech to a missionary from Massachusetts and a United States diplomat, 1805
The excerpt could best be used by historians studying the
"Jackson truly believed that, compared to his predecessors' combination of high-minded rhetoric, treachery, and abandonment, his Indian policy was 'just and humane.' . . .
". . . Jackson's paternalism was predicated on his
assumption, then widely but not universally shared by white Americans, that all Indians . . . were [irrational] and inferior to all whites. His promises about voluntary and compensated relocation . . . were constantly undermined by delays and by sharp dealing by War Department negotiators—actions Jackson condoned. . . . Jackson tried to head off outright fraud, but the removal bill's allotment scheme invited an influx of outside speculators, who wound up buying between 80 and 90 percent of the
land owned by Indians who wished to stay at a fraction of its actual worth. At no point did Jackson consider allowing even a small number of Georgia Cherokees who preferred to stay to do so in select enclaves, an option permitted to small numbers of Iroquois in upstate New York and Cherokees in western North Carolina. . . . Bereft of long-term planning and a full-scale federal commitment, the realities of Indian removal belied Jackson's rhetoric. Although the worst suffering was inflicted after
he left office, Jackson cannot escape responsibility for setting in motion an insidious policy that uprooted tens of thousands of Choctaws and Creeks [from the Southeast] during his presidency."
Sean Wilentz, historian, The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln, published in 2005
Which of the following describes a context that most influenced the implementation of the government policy discussed in the excerpt?
"Jackson truly believed
that, compared to his predecessors' combination of high-minded rhetoric, treachery, and abandonment, his Indian policy was 'just and humane.' . . .
". . . Jackson's paternalism was predicated on his assumption, then widely but not universally shared by white Americans, that all Indians . . . were [irrational] and inferior to all whites. His promises about voluntary and compensated relocation . . . were constantly undermined by delays and by sharp dealing by War Department negotiators—actions
Jackson condoned. . . . Jackson tried to head off outright fraud, but the removal bill's allotment scheme invited an influx of outside speculators, who wound up buying between 80 and 90 percent of the land owned by Indians who wished to stay at a fraction of its actual worth. At no point did Jackson consider allowing even a small number of Georgia Cherokees who preferred to stay to do so in select enclaves, an option permitted to small numbers of Iroquois in upstate New York and Cherokees in
western North Carolina. . . . Bereft of long-term planning and a full-scale federal commitment, the realities of Indian removal belied Jackson's rhetoric. Although the worst suffering was inflicted after he left office, Jackson cannot escape responsibility for setting in motion an insidious policy that uprooted tens of thousands of Choctaws and Creeks [from the Southeast] during his presidency."
Sean Wilentz, historian, The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln, published in 2005
Which of the following claims is supported by the author's main argument in the excerpt?
"Jackson truly believed that, compared to his predecessors' combination of high-minded rhetoric, treachery, and abandonment, his Indian policy was 'just and humane.' . . .
". . . Jackson's paternalism was predicated on his assumption, then widely but not universally shared by white Americans, that all Indians . . . were [irrational] and inferior to all whites. His
promises about voluntary and compensated relocation . . . were constantly undermined by delays and by sharp dealing by War Department negotiators—actions Jackson condoned. . . . Jackson tried to head off outright fraud, but the removal bill's allotment scheme invited an influx of outside speculators, who wound up buying between 80 and 90 percent of the land owned by Indians who wished to stay at a fraction of its actual worth. At no point did Jackson consider allowing even a small number of
Georgia Cherokees who preferred to stay to do so in select enclaves, an option permitted to small numbers of Iroquois in upstate New York and Cherokees in western North Carolina. . . . Bereft of long-term planning and a full-scale federal commitment, the realities of Indian removal belied Jackson's rhetoric. Although the worst suffering was inflicted after he left office, Jackson cannot escape responsibility for setting in motion an insidious policy that uprooted tens of thousands of Choctaws
and Creeks [from the Southeast] during his presidency."
Sean Wilentz, historian, The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln, published in 2005
Which of the following pieces of evidence would best refute Jackson's claim about his predecessors' policies toward American Indians, as described in the first paragraph of the excerpt?
"Jackson truly believed that, compared to his predecessors' combination of high-minded rhetoric, treachery, and
abandonment, his Indian policy was 'just and humane.' . . .
". . . Jackson's paternalism was predicated on his assumption, then widely but not universally shared by white Americans, that all Indians . . . were [irrational] and inferior to all whites. His promises about voluntary and compensated relocation . . . were constantly undermined by delays and by sharp dealing by War Department negotiators—actions Jackson condoned. . . . Jackson tried to head off outright fraud, but the removal bill's
allotment scheme invited an influx of outside speculators, who wound up buying between 80 and 90 percent of the land owned by Indians who wished to stay at a fraction of its actual worth. At no point did Jackson consider allowing even a small number of Georgia Cherokees who preferred to stay to do so in select enclaves, an option permitted to small numbers of Iroquois in upstate New York and Cherokees in western North Carolina. . . . Bereft of long-term planning and a full-scale federal
commitment, the realities of Indian removal belied Jackson's rhetoric. Although the worst suffering was inflicted after he left office, Jackson cannot escape responsibility for setting in motion an insidious policy that uprooted tens of thousands of Choctaws and Creeks [from the Southeast] during his presidency."
Sean Wilentz, historian, The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln, published in 2005
Which of the following pieces of evidence would help modify an argument in the excerpt about President Jackson's intentions toward American Indians?
"National gratitude—national pride—every high and generous feeling that attaches us to the land of our birth, or that [elevates] our characters as individuals, ask[s] of us that we should foster the . . . literature of our country. . . . On the other hand, it is not necessary for these purposes—it is even detrimental to bestow on mediocrity the praise due to excellence, and still more
so is the attempt to persuade ourselves and others into an admiration of the faults of [our writers]. . . .
"It must however be allowed, that the poetry of the United States, though it has not reached that perfection to which some other countries have carried theirs, is yet even better than it could have been expected to produce, considering that our nation has scarcely seen two centuries since its founders erected their cabins on its soil. . . .
"The fondness for literature is fast
increasing in our country—and if this were not the case, the patrons of literature have multiplied, of course, and will continue to multiply with the mere growth of our population. The popular English works of the day are often reprinted in our country—they are dispersed all over the union. . . . What should hinder our native works, if equal in merit, from meeting an equally favorable reception?"
William Cullen Bryant, book review in the North American Review, 1818
The excerpt best serves as evidence of which of the following developments?
"National gratitude—national pride—every high and generous feeling that attaches us to the land of our birth, or that [elevates] our characters as individuals, ask[s] of us that we should foster the . . . literature of our country. . . . On the other hand, it is not necessary for these purposes—it is even detrimental to bestow on mediocrity the praise due to excellence, and still more so is the attempt
to persuade ourselves and others into an admiration of the faults of [our writers]. . . .
"It must however be allowed, that the poetry of the United States, though it has not reached that perfection to which some other countries have carried theirs, is yet even better than it could have been expected to produce, considering that our nation has scarcely seen two centuries since its founders erected their cabins on its soil. . . .
"The fondness for literature is fast increasing in our
country—and if this were not the case, the patrons of literature have multiplied, of course, and will continue to multiply with the mere growth of our population. The popular English works of the day are often reprinted in our country—they are dispersed all over the union. . . . What should hinder our native works, if equal in merit, from meeting an equally favorable reception?"
William Cullen Bryant, book review in the North American Review, 1818
Which of the following can be concluded about the relationship between the United States and Europe based on the situation described in the excerpt?
"National gratitude—national pride—every high and generous feeling that attaches us to the land of our birth, or that [elevates] our characters as individuals, ask[s] of us that we should foster the . . . literature of our country. . . . On the other hand, it is not necessary for these purposes—it is even detrimental to bestow on mediocrity the
praise due to excellence, and still more so is the attempt to persuade ourselves and others into an admiration of the faults of [our writers]. . . .
"It must however be allowed, that the poetry of the United States, though it has not reached that perfection to which some other countries have carried theirs, is yet even better than it could have been expected to produce, considering that our nation has scarcely seen two centuries since its founders erected their cabins on its soil. . .
.
"The fondness for literature is fast increasing in our country—and if this were not the case, the patrons of literature have multiplied, of course, and will continue to multiply with the mere growth of our population. The popular English works of the day are often reprinted in our country—they are dispersed all over the union. . . . What should hinder our native works, if equal in merit, from meeting an equally favorable reception?"
William Cullen Bryant, book review in the North
American Review, 1818
Which of the following can be concluded about the United States based on the author's descriptions in the excerpt?
"The laity [church members] . . . saw to it that the Second Great Awakening exerted much of its influence through purposeful voluntary associations, typically headed by boards of directors on which laypersons appeared prominently. . . .
"Contemporaries called the interlocking, interdenominational directorates of
these organizations "the Evangelical United Front" or "the Benevolent Empire." . . .
"The social reforms embraced by the Evangelical United Front characteristically involved creating some form of personal discipline serving a goal or redemption. Prison reform serves as an example: No longer would the prison be intended only as a place to hold persons awaiting trial, coerce debt payment, or inflict retributive justice. Reformers reconceived the prison as corrective function, as a
'penitentiary' or 'reformatory,' in the vocabulary they invented. Besides prisoners, other people who did not function as free moral agents might become objects of the reformers' concern: alcoholics, children, slaves, the insane. The goal of the reformers in each case was to substitute for external constraints the inner discipline of morality. Some historians have interpreted the religious reformers as motivated simply by an impulse to impose 'social control,' but it seems more accurate to
describe their concern as redemptive, and more specifically the creation of responsible personal autonomy. Liberation and control represented two sides of the redemptive process as they conceived it. Christians who had achieved self-liberation and self-control through conversion not surprisingly often turned to a concern with the liberation and discipline of others. . . .
"The religious awakenings of the early nineteenth century marshaled powerful energies in an age when few other social
agencies in the United States had the capacity to do so. [The] Evangelical United Front organized its voluntary associations on a national, indeed international, level, at a time when little else in American society was organized, when there existed no nationwide business corporation save the Second Bank of the United States and no nationwide government bureaucracy save the Post Office. Indeed, the four major evangelical denominations together employed twice as many people, occupied twice as
many premises, and raised at least three times as much money as the Post Office."
Daniel Walker Howe, historian, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815-1848, published in 2007
A piece of evidence used by Howe in the second paragraph of the excerpt to support his argument about the goals of prison reform was that prison reformers
"The laity [church members] . . . saw to it that the Second Great Awakening exerted much of its
influence through purposeful voluntary associations, typically headed by boards of directors on which laypersons appeared prominently. . . .
"Contemporaries called the interlocking, interdenominational directorates of these organizations "the Evangelical United Front" or "the Benevolent Empire." . . .
"The social reforms embraced by the Evangelical United Front characteristically involved creating some form of personal discipline serving a goal or redemption. Prison reform serves as an
example: No longer would the prison be intended only as a place to hold persons awaiting trial, coerce debt payment, or inflict retributive justice. Reformers reconceived the prison as corrective function, as a 'penitentiary' or 'reformatory,' in the vocabulary they invented. Besides prisoners, other people who did not function as free moral agents might become objects of the reformers' concern: alcoholics, children, slaves, the insane. The goal of the reformers in each case was to substitute
for external constraints the inner discipline of morality. Some historians have interpreted the religious reformers as motivated simply by an impulse to impose 'social control,' but it seems more accurate to describe their concern as redemptive, and more specifically the creation of responsible personal autonomy. Liberation and control represented two sides of the redemptive process as they conceived it. Christians who had achieved self-liberation and self-control through conversion not
surprisingly often turned to a concern with the liberation and discipline of others. . . .
"The religious awakenings of the early nineteenth century marshaled powerful energies in an age when few other social agencies in the United States had the capacity to do so. [The] Evangelical United Front organized its voluntary associations on a national, indeed international, level, at a time when little else in American society was organized, when there existed no nationwide business corporation
save the Second Bank of the United States and no nationwide government bureaucracy save the Post Office. Indeed, the four major evangelical denominations together employed twice as many people, occupied twice as many premises, and raised at least three times as much money as the Post Office."
Daniel Walker Howe, historian, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815-1848, published in 2007
Which of the following is a piece of evidence used by Howe to support his claim in the third paragraph of the excerpt about religious organizations in the early nineteenth century?
"The laity [church members] . . . saw to it that the Second Great Awakening exerted much of its influence through purposeful voluntary associations, typically headed by boards of directors on which laypersons appeared prominently. . . .
"Contemporaries called the interlocking, interdenominational directorates of these organizations "the Evangelical United
Front" or "the Benevolent Empire." . . .
"The social reforms embraced by the Evangelical United Front characteristically involved creating some form of personal discipline serving a goal or redemption. Prison reform serves as an example: No longer would the prison be intended only as a place to hold persons awaiting trial, coerce debt payment, or inflict retributive justice. Reformers reconceived the prison as corrective function, as a 'penitentiary' or 'reformatory,' in the vocabulary they
invented. Besides prisoners, other people who did not function as free moral agents might become objects of the reformers' concern: alcoholics, children, slaves, the insane. The goal of the reformers in each case was to substitute for external constraints the inner discipline of morality. Some historians have interpreted the religious reformers as motivated simply by an impulse to impose 'social control,' but it seems more accurate to describe their concern as redemptive, and more specifically
the creation of responsible personal autonomy. Liberation and control represented two sides of the redemptive process as they conceived it. Christians who had achieved self-liberation and self-control through conversion not surprisingly often turned to a concern with the liberation and discipline of others. . . .
"The religious awakenings of the early nineteenth century marshaled powerful energies in an age when few other social agencies in the United States had the capacity to do so. [The]
Evangelical United Front organized its voluntary associations on a national, indeed international, level, at a time when little else in American society was organized, when there existed no nationwide business corporation save the Second Bank of the United States and no nationwide government bureaucracy save the Post Office. Indeed, the four major evangelical denominations together employed twice as many people, occupied twice as many premises, and raised at least three times as much money as
the Post Office."
Daniel Walker Howe, historian, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815-1848, published in 2007
Which of the following describes a piece of evidence used by Howe to support his overall argument about the motivations of religious reformers?
"Antebellum planters . . . were very interested in the control of black movement. They were also keen to master their slaves' senses of pleasure. Seeking to contain [African
Americans] even further than laws, curfews, bells, horns, and patrols already did, some planters used plantation [parties] as a paternalist mechanism of social control. Plantation parties, which carefully doled out joy on Saturday nights and holidays, were intended to seem benevolent and to inspire respect, gratitude, deference, and importantly, obedience. . . . The most important component of paternalistic plantation parties was the legitimating presence of the master.
". . . [Yet] again and
again, slaves sought out illicit, secular gatherings of their own creation. They disregarded curfews and pass laws to escape to secret parties where . . . pleasures such as drinking, eating, dancing, and dressing up were the main amusements. . . .
". . . In the context of enslavement, such exhilarating pleasure . . . must be understood as important and meaningful enjoyment, as personal expression, and as oppositional."
Stephanie M. H. Camp, historian, Closer to Freedom: Enslaved Women and
Everyday Resistance in the Plantation South, 2004
Which of the following does the author use as evidence to support her argument that slaveholders were "keen to master their slaves' senses of pleasure"?
"Antebellum planters . . . were very interested in the control of black movement. They were also keen to master their slaves' senses of pleasure. Seeking to contain [African Americans] even further than laws, curfews, bells, horns, and patrols already
did, some planters used plantation [parties] as a paternalist mechanism of social control. Plantation parties, which carefully doled out joy on Saturday nights and holidays, were intended to seem benevolent and to inspire respect, gratitude, deference, and importantly, obedience. . . . The most important component of paternalistic plantation parties was the legitimating presence of the master.
". . . [Yet] again and again, slaves sought out illicit, secular gatherings of their own creation.
They disregarded curfews and pass laws to escape to secret parties where . . . pleasures such as drinking, eating, dancing, and dressing up were the main amusements. . . .
". . . In the context of enslavement, such exhilarating pleasure . . . must be understood as important and meaningful enjoyment, as personal expression, and as oppositional."
Stephanie M. H. Camp, historian, Closer to Freedom: Enslaved Women and Everyday Resistance in the Plantation South, 2004
Which of the following could best be used as evidence to support the argument in the third paragraph of the excerpt that enslaved people engaged in oppositional activities?
"Antebellum planters . . . were very interested in the control of black movement. They were also keen to master their slaves' senses of pleasure. Seeking to contain [African Americans] even further than laws, curfews, bells, horns, and patrols already did, some planters used plantation [parties] as a
paternalist mechanism of social control. Plantation parties, which carefully doled out joy on Saturday nights and holidays, were intended to seem benevolent and to inspire respect, gratitude, deference, and importantly, obedience. . . . The most important component of paternalistic plantation parties was the legitimating presence of the master.
". . . [Yet] again and again, slaves sought out illicit, secular gatherings of their own creation. They disregarded curfews and pass laws to escape to
secret parties where . . . pleasures such as drinking, eating, dancing, and dressing up were the main amusements. . . .
". . . In the context of enslavement, such exhilarating pleasure . . . must be understood as important and meaningful enjoyment, as personal expression, and as oppositional."
Stephanie M. H. Camp, historian, Closer to Freedom: Enslaved Women and Everyday Resistance in the Plantation South, 2004
Which of the following pieces of evidence could best be used to modify the argument in the excerpt that many enslaved people engaged in oppositional activities?
"Antebellum planters . . . were very interested in the control of black movement. They were also keen to master their slaves' senses of pleasure. Seeking to contain [African Americans] even further than laws, curfews, bells, horns, and patrols already did, some planters used plantation [parties] as a paternalist mechanism of social control. Plantation parties, which
carefully doled out joy on Saturday nights and holidays, were intended to seem benevolent and to inspire respect, gratitude, deference, and importantly, obedience. . . . The most important component of paternalistic plantation parties was the legitimating presence of the master.
". . . [Yet] again and again, slaves sought out illicit, secular gatherings of their own creation. They disregarded curfews and pass laws to escape to secret parties where . . . pleasures such as drinking, eating,
dancing, and dressing up were the main amusements. . . .
". . . In the context of enslavement, such exhilarating pleasure . . . must be understood as important and meaningful enjoyment, as personal expression, and as oppositional."
Stephanie M. H. Camp, historian, Closer to Freedom: Enslaved Women and Everyday Resistance in the Plantation South, 2004
Which of the following best describes a context in the first half of the 1800s that influenced the development of slavery as described in the excerpt?
"Mississippi planter and agricultural reformer M. W. Phillips, a regular contributor to the American Cotton Planter, wrote about soil exhaustion and crop rotation, and extolled the virtues of manuring and self-provisioning. In one of his most widely reproduced articles, Phillips condemned planters before whom 'everything has to bend [and] give way to large crops of cotton.' . . .
"Phillips imagined the cotton economy in terms of flows of
energy, nutrients, and fertility, all of which he was convinced were being expended at an unsustainable rate. He used images of human, animal, and mineral depletion to represent an onrushing ecological catastrophe. But he did so within the incised [limited] terms allowed him by his culture—the culture of cotton. Phillips was arguing that the slaveholding South needed to slow the rate at which it was converting human beings into cotton plants."
Walter Johnson, historian, River of Dark Dreams:
Slavery and Empire in the Cotton Kingdom, 2013
In the first half of the 1800s, which of the following resulted from the debates about the cotton economy described in the excerpt?
"Mississippi planter and agricultural reformer M. W. Phillips, a regular contributor to the American Cotton Planter, wrote about soil exhaustion and crop rotation, and extolled the virtues of manuring and self-provisioning. In one of his most widely reproduced articles,
Phillips condemned planters before whom 'everything has to bend [and] give way to large crops of cotton.' . . .
"Phillips imagined the cotton economy in terms of flows of energy, nutrients, and fertility, all of which he was convinced were being expended at an unsustainable rate. He used images of human, animal, and mineral depletion to represent an onrushing ecological catastrophe. But he did so within the incised [limited] terms allowed him by his culture—the culture of cotton. Phillips was
arguing that the slaveholding South needed to slow the rate at which it was converting human beings into cotton plants."
Walter Johnson, historian, River of Dark Dreams: Slavery and Empire in the Cotton Kingdom, 2013
Which of the following most directly contributed to the development described in the excerpt?
"Mississippi planter and agricultural reformer M. W. Phillips, a regular contributor to the American Cotton Planter, wrote about soil
exhaustion and crop rotation, and extolled the virtues of manuring and self-provisioning. In one of his most widely reproduced articles, Phillips condemned planters before whom 'everything has to bend [and] give way to large crops of cotton.' . . .
"Phillips imagined the cotton economy in terms of flows of energy, nutrients, and fertility, all of which he was convinced were being expended at an unsustainable rate. He used images of human, animal, and mineral depletion to represent an
onrushing ecological catastrophe. But he did so within the incised [limited] terms allowed him by his culture—the culture of cotton. Phillips was arguing that the slaveholding South needed to slow the rate at which it was converting human beings into cotton plants."
Walter Johnson, historian, River of Dark Dreams: Slavery and Empire in the Cotton Kingdom, 2013
Which of the following resulted from the mass production of cotton described in the excerpt?
Sets with similar terms