The primary distinction between altruistic and egoistic helping concerns the

Different people become engaged in environmental issues and perform proenvironmental behavior because they believe in and are concerned about adverse consequences of environmental problems for themselves (egoistic beliefs and concerns), others (social-altruistic beliefs and concerns), or the biosphere (biospheric beliefs and concerns). These different beliefs and concerns are assumed to derive from corresponding value orientations. Yet, distinguishing egoistic, social-altruistic, and biospheric value orientations has proved difficult in previous research. Based on a survey of 494 Swedish residents between 18 and 69 years old, the present study provides empirical support for that egoistic, social-altruistic, and biospheric environmental concerns are related to corresponding awareness-of-consequences beliefs, and that both the beliefs and environmental concerns are related to the three value types power, benevolence, and universalism.

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Introduction

Why do people become engaged in environmental issues and perform proenvironmental behavior? In general people are likely to do this to the extent that the environmental problems have threatening and harmful consequences for egoistic, social-altruistic, or biospheric objects that they value (e.g., ones’ own health, humankind, or animals and plants, respectively). This insight is captured in the Value Belief Norm (VBN) theory of proenvironmental behavior developed by Stern and collaborators (e.g., Stern, 2000; Stern, Dietz, Abel, Guagnano, & Kalof, 1999; Stern, Dietz, Kalof, & Guagnano, 1995). The theory is an extension of Schwartz’ (1977) norm-activation theory of altruistic behavior (see also Schwartz & Howard, 1981) augmented with Schwartz (1992), Schwartz (1994) universal value structure.

In the VBN theory, the determinants of intentions to perform proenvironmental behaviors include awareness of consequences – understood as individuals’ beliefs about the adverse consequenses of environmental problems. In order for people to perform proenvironmental behaviors, an awareness of consequences must induce an ascribed responsibility to perform the behaviors that in turn activates a personal norm or moral obligation to perform the behaviors. The crucial role social and personal norms play for proenvironmental behaviors has been demonstrated by, for instance, Kaiser, Hübner, and Bogner (2005) (see review in Biel & Thøgersen, 2007). Of most importance in the present paper is the distinction between awareness of egoistic, social-altruistic, and biospheric consequences corresponding to three different underlying value orientations (Stern, 1992; Stern, Dietz, & Kalof, 1993; Stern et al., 1995).

In previous research structural models based on the VBN theory have been empirically tested (Gärling, Fujii, Gärling, & Jakobsson, 2003; Nordlund & Garvill (2002), Nordlund & Garvill (2003); Oreg & Gerro, 2006; Steg, Dreijerink, & Abrahamse, 2005; Stern et al., 1999). The present study attempts to remedy several shortcomings in this previous research. The following subsections discuss these shortcomings related in turn to value orientations, awareness of consequences, and environmental concerns. A final subsection summarizes aims and hypotheses.

Values are conceptualized as guiding principles important in a person's life (Rokeach, 1973; Schwartz, 1992; see Rohan (2000) for an analysis of the value construct). Similar values are referred to as value types. Value orientations are defined as clusters of compatible values or value types. Some value orientations have been found to be positively related to proenvironmental attitudes and behavior. These include Schwartz’ (1992) self-transcendence value types universalism and benevolence. The self-enhancing value types achievement and power have been shown to be negatively related to proenvironmental attitudes and behavior.

Universalism is a wider form of altruism that encompasses humankind (examples of universalism values include social justice, equality, and peace on earth). In contrast, benevolence is defined as altruism towards in-groups. Examples of benevolence values are loyality, foregivingness, and responsibility. Suggesting important differences between the value types, Gärling (1999) found that universalism corresponded more closely to a prosocial value orientation than benevolence, which was equally related to both a prosocial and proself value orientation. Hence, universalism and benevolence should probably not be aggregated to an overall measure of self-transcendence as previously has been done in studies of proenvironmental attitudes and intentions (e.g., Nordlund & Garvill (2002), Nordlund & Garvill (2003); Schultz, 2001). One aim of the present study is to examine differences in how universalism and benevolence are related to awareness of consequences and environmental concerns.

It has been difficult to distinguish the biospheric value orientation from the social-altruistic value orientation. The former implies that the biosphere has an intrinsic value, that is that nature is worth protecting for its own sake and not exclusively because of the benefits to humans (see Attfield, 1981; Merchant, 1992; Naess, 1984). However, empirical support is largely lacking for a separate biospheric value orientation. In factor analytic studies social altruistic and biospheric value items tend to load on the same factor (Schwartz, 1992; Stern, Dietz, Abel, Guagnano, & Kalof (1999), Stern, Dietz, Kalof, & Guagnano (1995)) referred to as a biospheric–social-altruistic value orientation. Steg et al. (2005) appears to be the only study that has reported direct evidence for a distinct biospheric value orientation. Still, social-altruism has been distinguished from biospheric in proenvironmental attitudes, such as awareness-of-consequences beliefs or environmental concerns (Schultz, 2001; Stern et al., 1993; Thompson & Barton, 1994).

In previous studies (e.g., Schultz & Zelezny, 1999) a connection has been made between value orientations and Schwartz’ (1992) value types. Theoretically, a biospheric value orientation may be related to universalism. This is consistent with an alternative interpretation of self-transcendence proposed by Schultz (2001): Self-transcendence (universalism) can be assumed to “… reflect the degree to which a person includes other people and other living things in their notion of self” (p. 336). Universalism may thus, partly in line with the interpretation of the new environmental paradigm (NEP) (Dunlap & Van Liere, 1978), be understood as a broad cognitive representation of the self that reflects the extent to which individuals define themselves as part of nature, that is as one species among others.

Several studies have demonstrated positive correlations between universalism and biospheric concerns emphasizing the intrinsic value of nature (Nordlund & Garvill (2002), Nordlund & Garvill (2003); Schultz, 2001; Schultz & Zelezny, 1999; Stern et al., 1995). However, the reason may be that three biospheric value items (“protecting the environment,” “unity with nature,” and “world of beauty”) are included in the measure of universalism (see Schultz, 2001; Schultz & Zelezny, 1999; Schwartz, 1992) and four (“protecting the environment,” “unity with nature,” “respecting the earth,” and “preventing pollution”) in a modified universalism scale referred to as biospheric–social-altruistic (Stern, Dietz, & Guagnano, 1998; Stern et al., 1999). Since these biospheric value items tend to have high factor loadings on universalism (Schwartz, 1992) and the highest factor loadings on the biospheric–social-altruistic scale (Stern, Dietz, & Guagnano (1998), Stern, Dietz, Kalof, & Guagnano (1995)), criterion contamination (biospheric items included in both the attitude and value measures) may produce a spurious correlation between biospheric attitudes and self-transcendence/universalism. A second aim of the present study is to investigate the relationship between universalism and biospheric awareness of consequences and environmental concern by removing the three biospherical items (“protecting the environment,” “unity with nature,” and “a world of beauty”) from the measure of universalism, thus testing if a purer social-altruistic operationalization of universalism is still related to biospheric attitudes.

As noted above, universalism and benevolence should not be included in the same measure. A social-altruistric value orientation may be related to benevolence. A third aim of the present study is thus to investigate the relationship between benevolence and social-altruistic awareness of consequences and environmental concerns.

An egoistic value orientation comprising the value types power and achievement has been shown to correlate negatively with proenvironmental attitudes and behavior. However, differences between power and achievement (Schwartz (1992), Schwartz (1994)) would imply that the value types influence environmental attitudes and behavior differently. The common denominator of power (e.g., authority, social power, and wealth) is control or dominance over people and resources. In contrast, achievement is defined as “personal success through demonstrating competence according to social standards” (Schwartz, 1992, p. 8). The former value type should not be consistent with altruistic proenvironmental attitudes, as it is opposite to universalism in Schwartz’ (1992) value structure and therefore represents the highest degree of self-enhancement. Consistent with this, power has been demonstrated to correlate negatively with the NEP scale (Schultz & Zelezny, 1999; Steg et al., 2005; Stern et al., 1999) and positively with Thompson and Barton's (1994) anthropocentric–egocentric scale, while achievement has not been found to correlate with these scales (Schultz & Zelezny, 1999). A fourth aim of the present study is to investigate whether power but not achievement is positively related to egoistic awareness of consequences and environmental concern.

In the VBN theory (e.g., Stern, 2000; Stern et al., 1999) it is posited that awareness-of-consequences beliefs (ACself, AChum, and ACbio) are causally related to value orientations. A rational for this is that a value orientation biases individuals to select and believe in information that is congruent with their value orientation and to deny value-incongruent information. In this way specific information-based AC beliefs would develop. Although awareness-of-consequences beliefs clearly are central constructs in the VBN theory, questions about the validity and reliability of the AC scales used to measure these constructs need to be raised. Four studies (Gärling et al., 2003; Joireman, Lasane, Bennett, Richards, & Solaimani, 2001; Snelgar, 2006; Stern et al., 1993) all faced difficulties in reaching acceptable reliability levels. Stern et al. (1993) argued that the low reliabilities were due to that too few items (3) were used to measure each construct. However, Gärling et al. (2003) had to remove one item from each AC scale in order to improve reliability, and Joireman et al. (2001) reported low to moderate reliabilities even after increasing the number of items to 4 or 5 per scale.

Low validity may also be an issue. First, the scale measuring beliefs about consequences for oneself (ACself) has neither been reported to correlate positively with direct measures of an egoistic value orientation such as Schwartz’ (1992) self-enhancement scale (see Stern & Dietz, 1994; Stern et al., 1995), nor with Schultz’ (2001) more recently developed egoistic environmental concern scale (Snelgar, 2006). Note, however, that Schultz’ (2001) egoistic environmental concern scale is positively related to self-enhancement values. Second, in Stern et al. (1995) ACself was positively correlated with the social-altruistic–biospheric value orientation and with the other AC scales. Schultz’ (2001) egoistic environmental concern scale again showed an opposite pattern, being negatively correlated with self-transcendence values. Yet, as mentioned above, a value orientation is assumed to make individuals focus on information and threats that are congruent with their value orientation (Stern et al., 1995). Thus, a person with, for example, an egoistic value orientation would be aware of and focus on those objects or situations that are threatening to his or her wealth, power, or authority (egoistic value objects). If the object is measures to abate the environmental problems that limit job opportunities or increase taxes, energy prices, or fuel prices, then “egoists” should pay selective attention to these adverse consequences and thus form beliefs about them.

A possible reason why previous studies have failed to find the hypothesized positive correlation between egoistic values and ACself may be the reverse-coded scale items. Respondents who agreed with the two ACself statements “Laws that protect the environment limit my choices and personal freedom” and “Protecting the environment will threaten jobs for people like me” were believed to not be aware of adverse egoistic consequenses caused by environmental problems. Conversely, persons oriented towards social-altruistic values, who tend to disagree with these statements, are considered to be aware of adverse egoistic consequences. On the contrary, we believe that agreements with the two statements express awareness of adverse consequences for oneself. However, the referent is adverse consequences of abatement of environmental problems. In the present study, we will not reverse-code the ACself scales. We then expect to find a positive correlation between power and ACself.

The positive correlations between the three AC scales can also be seen as an indication of low validity. If the three AC scales are intended to reflect three different value orientations, then the ACself scale should be negatively correlated with the ACbio scale, the AChum scale, or both. This is because the egoistic value type power and the altruistic value type universalism in Schwartz’ (1992) value structure are opposite poles of the self-transcendence-to-self-enhancement continuum. We therefore expect to find negative correlations between ACself and the other AC scales.

Environmental concern (EC) refers to an attitude towards environmental issues (Fransson & Gärling, 1999; Schultz & Zelezny, 1999; Thompson & Barton 1994), that is an evaluation (Eagly & Chaiken, 1998). However, AC is not an explicit evaluation or concern but refers to awareness of or beliefs about potential future world states (e.g., “thousands of species will die within the next decades”), and is thus comparable to NEP (Dunlap & Van Liere, 1978), and close to what Rokeach (1973) termed existential beliefs. Yet, environmental concern and awareness of consequences appear to be treated as interchangeable (Stern et al., 1993). Fishbein and Ajzen (1975) (see also Ajzen & Fishbein, 1980) in their theory of reasoned action or its successor the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1991) make a similar distinction between beliefs and attitudes or evaluations. One may alternatively propose that concern and worries about environmental issues are explicitly expressed in EC beliefs (“I am concerned,” “It makes me sad”) and implicitly expressed in AC beliefs.

Schultz (2001) distinguished between concern for the biosphere, concern for others, and concern for oneself. His egocentric concern scale was found to have acceptable reliability and to be positively correlated with self-enhancement and negatively correlated with self-transcendence value types. Since it can be assumed that Schultz’ (2001) EC scales correspond closer to an evaluation than do AC beliefs, and that these scales are more tuned towards environmental issues expressing concerns about specific attitude objects than general values and worldviews (e.g., NEP, Dunlap & Van Liere, 1978), it seems as if EC should be treated as attitudes that are causally related to value types and AC beliefs. It may then be hypothesized that egoistic concerns (ECself), social-altruistic concerns (EChum), and biospheric concerns (ECbio) presuppose awareness of adverse consequences of environmental problems for self, others, and the biosphere, respectively, since one would not be concerned about consequences one is not aware of. An additional aim of the present study is to test whether Schultz’ three EC attitudes are causally related to AC beliefs and value types assuming that the AC beliefs mediate the effects of value types on EC attitudes.

The aim of the present study is to test the different hypotheses derived above and illustrated in Fig. 1. First, AC beliefs and EC attitudes are hypothesized to be distinct but related to each other if they both target the biosphere, others, or self. Second, both AC beliefs and EC attitudes are hypothesized to be related to the same different value types (ACbio and ECbio to universalism, AChum and EChum to benevolence, and ACself and ECself to power). Third, AC beliefs are hypothesized to mediate the relationship between EC attitudes and value types.

Section snippets

Participants and procedure

A random sample of 1965 Swedish residents between 18 and 69 years old were obtained from the national register of tax payers. A survey questionnaire was mailed to them with a free-of-charge return envelope. This was followed by a combined thank-you card and reminder mailed after a week. A total of 494 (25.1%) usable questionnaires were received. The participants consisted of 242 (49.0%) men. Their average age was 48.9 years (SD=13.2 years). A university degree was held by 174 (35.3%), whereas

Results

Three multiple linear regression analyses were performed with each of the awareness-of-consequences scales (ACself, AChum, and ACbio) as dependent variables and the indexes corresponding to the value types power, achievement, benevolence, and universalism as independent variables. In order to control for the influence of the other AC scales, the two other AC scales were each time also entered as independent variables. The results are given in Table 3. Each of the AC beliefs were as hypothesized

Discussion

The present results showed as hypothesized that environmental concern for self, others, and the biosphere were related to awareness-of-consequences beliefs for oneself, others, and the biosphere, respectively. Also as hypothesized, each of the awareness-of-consequences beliefs corresponded to only one value type (power, benevolence, and universalism, respectively). However, inconsistent with the hypothesis the value types also had direct effects on environmental concerns; the mediation by

Acknowledgments

This research was financially supported by Handelsbanken research foundations to the Center for Consumption Science at the School of Business, Economics and Law, Göteborg University, Sweden. We thank Anders Biel, Jörgen Garvill, Terry Hartig, Florian Kaiser, John Thøgersen, and Wesley Schultz for valuable comments, Phillip Gamble and Boel Siljebråt for assistance in collecting and processing the data.

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      What is altruism in psychology quizlet?

      Altruism. - helping behavior motivated purely by the desire to do something good for someone else and not the anticipation of personal benefit.

      Who does altruistic behavior benefits quizlet?

      Altruism is behavior that has a fitness cost to the individual exhibiting it and a fitness benefit to the recipient of the behavior. Altruism decreases an individual's ability to produce offspring but helps others produce more offspring.

      What is the key emotion involved with altruism?

      Empathy: People are more likely to engage in altruistic behavior when they feel empathy for the person in distress, a suggestion known as the empathy-altruism hypothesis. 4 Children also tend to become more altruistic as their sense of empathy develops.

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